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What is American literature? What are its distinctive voices and styles? How do social and political issues influence the American canon?
Video Comprehension Questions: What is social realism? How did this literary movement depart from earlier nineteenth-century literary conventions?
Context Questions: What kinds of social reform might Yezierska have been interested in promoting? How are her concerns different from Wharton’s?
Exploratory Questions: How do you think the immigrant experience has changed since Yezierska wrote about it?
What is an American? How does American literature create conceptions of the American experience and identity?
Video Comprehension Questions: What groups of immigrants came to America at the end of the nineteenth century? Why did they leave their homes? How did they change the face of America?
Context Questions: How do the characters Hannah Hayyeh and Lily Bart rebel against social and class conventions? How does their status as women affect their situations? How do their different social classes affect their situations?
Exploratory Questions: How has women’s status in America changed since Wharton and Yezierska wrote about it?
How are American myths created, challenged, and re-imagined through these works of literature?
Video Comprehension Questions: What expectations and hopes did many immigrants have when they came to America? How was the reality of their experience different from what they imagined?
Context Questions: How does Yezierska’s work broaden and expand the possibilities of the American Dream?
Exploratory Questions: Do you think American writers still view literature as an important instrument of social change? As an effective tool for reform?
“”How can I get my students to think?” is a question asked by many faculty, regardless of their disciplines. Problem-based learning (PBL) is an instructional method that challenges students to “learn to learn,” working cooperatively in groups to seek solutions to real world problems. These problems are used to engage students’ curiosity and initiate learning the subject matter. PBL prepares students to think critically and analytically, and to find and use appropriate learning resources.” — Barbara Duch, University of Delaware
While not everyone agreed that big business unfettered by government regulations was a good idea, or that it benefited the right people, no one could deny that by the end of the nineteenth century a new class of financiers with unprecedented power and wealth had emerged in the United States. Industrialization had radically altered the character of the American economy by promoting the growth of giant corporations, monopolies, and trusts over the small businesses, shops, and farms that had formed the economic backbone of the prewar nation. These new corporations employed thousands of workers who were valued not for their artisanal skills but instead for their ability to perform menial tasks in factories and plants. Factory employment in the United States nearly doubled between 1850 and 1880. For many Americans, the growth of industrialism meant longer hours, unsatisfying working conditions, and a modest salary. But for a tiny minority, industrialism provided opportunities for extraordinary and unprecedented wealth.
In the economic climate of the late nineteenth century, some entrepreneurs were able to buy out or bankrupt all of their competitors to create monopolies. By 1900, a handful of men enjoyed virtually exclusive control over such important industries as steel, oil, banking, and railroads. Men like Carnegie, Rockefeller, J. P. Morgan, Jay Gould, and Leland Stanford developed innovative financial and management practices, centralizing control of their far-flung business interests through the use of trusts and holding companies. The men who ran the trusts made enormous profits and came to be regarded as aristocrats–to admirers, they were “princes of industry,” while to critics, they were “robber barons.” Many of these tycoons came from lowly or impoverished backgrounds and liked to remind people that they were examples of the fulfillment of the American Dream, in which a poor boy achieves success through hard work and virtue.
In accordance with the tenets of the gospel of wealth, many of these men gave tremendous sums of money to charity. They funded everything from churches to art museums to public swimming pools. Carnegie–who liked to call himself a “distributor of wealth”–by some calculations donated over 90 percent of his vast fortune to projects like the 2,811 libraries he founded in towns across the United States and all over the world. John D. Rockefeller gave lavishly to religious mission work, hospitals, schools, and countless other philanthropic organizations. Many of the industrialists endowed scholarship funds and universities, although ironically most of them did not have university degrees.
While the robber barons’ philanthropic activities undoubtedly benefited countless people, some critics complained that their charitable works were motivated more by self-glorification and a desire for social acceptance than by a sincere desire to help the less fortunate. Other critics felt that no amount of charitable giving could outweigh the damage the robber barons caused with their unscrupulous business practices. They pointed out that these “captains of industry” were known for forcing their employees to labor in dangerous working conditions, paying poor wages, ruthlessly undermining fair competition, bribing politicians, and gouging consumers. Eventually, public outrage over monopolistic practices led to a call for the government to begin “trust-busting.” In response, in 1890 Congress passed the Sherman Anti-Trust Act to punish corporations who engaged in “restraint of fair trade.” In its first decade, the act was more symbolic than effective. More lasting reforms came through the efforts of labor unions that organized workers and staged protests demanding fair treatment.
Archive
[2855] Lewis W. Hine, View of the Ewen Breaker of the Pennsylvania Coal Co. (1911),
courtesy of the Still Picture Branch, National Archives and Records Administration.
The thickness of the dust is visible in this photograph of children working for the Pennsylvania Coal Company. These children were often kicked or beaten by overseers.
[5749] John D. Rockefeller, Address by J. D. Rockefeller, Jr. (1920),
courtesy of the Library of Congress.
Rockefeller used his oil monopoly to become the richest man in the world during the first decade of the twentieth century. What he espoused as the “Gospel of Wealth” was criticized by others as the cruel and unfettered capitalism of “Robber Barons.” Though Rockefeller donated huge sums to charity, many felt this inadequately redressed the damage done during his acquisition of wealth.
[7136] Frank Leslie’s Illustrated Newspaper, Boss Waving His Fist at Female Employee in a Sweatshop(1888),
courtesy of the Library of Congress [LC-USZ62-79589].
The late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries saw some gain great wealth at the expense of multitudes, like this mistreated worker. Eventually, inhumane working conditions became a cause for social reformers.
[7255] Alfred R. Waud, Bessemer Steel Manufacture (1876),
courtesy of the Library of Congress [LC-USZ6-1721].
One of six illustrations that appeared in Harper’s Weekly showing the operations in a steel mill. Steel was big business at the end of the nineteenth century, and, in the days before the income tax, so-called “robber barons” amassed extravagant wealth.
The woman suffrage movement began at a convention in Seneca Falls, New York, when a group led by Elizabeth Cady Stanton adopted a resolution calling for the right to vote. At the time, the idea of woman suffrage was so radical that many delegates at the convention refused to sign Stanton’s “Declaration of Sentiments,” with its call for the enfranchisement of women, even though they supported her other goals of ensuring higher education and property rights for women. However radical the goal of enfranchisement had once seemed, after the Civil War it emerged as one of the most important women’s issues when activists realized that the right to vote was necessary both to effect social and political change and to symbolize women’s full status as equal citizens. Because the woman suffrage movement had begun in the same reform milieu as abolitionism, many activists were tremendously disappointed when the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments extended suffrage to African American men but not to black or white women. The issue was so volatile that in 1869 the women’s rights movement split over whether or not to support the ratification of the Fifteenth Amendment, which guaranteed suffrage to black men.
One group of activists, led by Stanton and Susan B. Anthony, opposed the Fifteenth Amendment, but called for a Sixteenth Amendment that would give women the right to vote. Their organization, the National Woman Suffrage Association (NWSA), viewed suffrage as only one of many important feminist causes on their agenda, and they were unafraid to adopt radical policies and rhetoric to forward their goals. For example, in 1872 Susan B. Anthony went to the polls and tried to vote, hoping to get arrested and thus attract attention for the movement. She was indeed arrested, found guilty of “knowingly, wrongfully, and unlawfully voting,” and issued a fine. In contrast, NWSA’s rival association, the American Woman Suffrage Association (AWSA), led by Lucy Stone and Julia Ward Howe, was more moderate in its tone, promoted “partial suffrage” legislation, and worked to make feminist reforms appealing to mainstream Americans. AWSA supported the Fifteenth Amendment but vowed to continue working for woman suffrage.
Although they were no longer a united force, the suffrage organizations had made significant strides by the turn of the century. In the West, Wyoming, Utah, Colorado, and Idaho had all adopted woman suffrage by 1896. The suffrage movement also made gains through its alliance with the Women’s Christian Temperance Union (WCTU). A more mainstream and conservative organization than either NWSA or AWSA, the WCTU encouraged its large membership to support suffrage as a way of protecting traditional family and domestic values. In particular, they hoped that women voters would be able to pass legislation mandating the prohibition of alcohol. The association of woman suffrage with the temperance movement was both a boon and a hindrance to the effort to achieve enfranchisement. On one hand, the Christian temperance platform attracted a broader base of support and made suffrage seem less radical to mainstream women. But on the other hand, the WCTU endorsement of suffrage fueled big business’s fears that women voters would threaten their interests by tilting the nation toward reform. The brewing and liquor industry, especially, came to perceive woman suffrage as a significant threat and threw its considerable political clout behind stifling the movement.
In 1890, the NWSA and the AWSA finally put their differences behind them and joined forces to make a concerted push for enfranchisement. The new, unified movement, known as the National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA), focused its efforts almost exclusively on winning the vote rather than on other feminist issues. Their strategy involved building support within individual states and winning suffrage referendums on a state-by-state basis. They hoped that when enough states had adopted suffrage amendments, the federal government would at last agree to approve an amendment to the Constitution. In pursuit of this strategy, NAWSA opted to disassociate the suffrage movement from its traditional affiliation with the cause of African American civil rights. Many suffrage activists either shared the racist sentiments so prevalent in turn-of-the-century America or believed that they had to comply with racist views in order to make their cause appealing to a wide constituency. In any case, whether motivated by racism or a misguided sense of expediency, by the late nineteenth century the suffrage movement excluded black women from meaningful participation and refused to take a strong position in support of black women’s equal right to enfranchisement.
In its final push for the vote, the suffragists adopted other new–and sometimes radical–strategies. They borrowed newly developed advertising techniques, circulating catchy jingles with pro-suffrage lyrics and distributing stationery and buttons emblazoned with pro-suffrage designs. To attract public attention, they held open-air meetings and rallies in busy urban areas. Suffragists sponsored elaborate parades featuring decorated floats, horses, music, and hundreds of marchers wearing colorful banners. A more militant wing of the suffrage movement, led by Alice Paul, developed more radical tactics, including picketing the White House, getting arrested, and going on hunger strikes. Perhaps the suffrage activists’ most successful strategy involved aggressive lobbying among politicians. By targeting and converting individual politicians–including President Woodrow Wilson–suffragists eventually convinced Congress to adopt the Nineteenth Amendment by a narrow margin. The fight for ratification demanded unabated effort and political maneuverings, but finally, on August 21, 1920, the Tennessee legislature completed the ratification process. Their victory came by a very slim margin and after years of struggle, but the suffragists had finally won for American women the right to vote.
The suffrage movement both contributed to and reflected the growing independence of American women by the turn of the century. Women were acquiring education, working in the business world, and achieving economic and social self-sufficiency in greater numbers than ever before. Some women began wearing trousers, smoking, and asserting their sexual freedom. These “new women,” as such emancipated women were called, resisted the ideals of domesticity and “true womanhood” that had dominated women’s lives in the first part of the nineteenth century. Instead, they demanded new freedoms and transformed the position of women in the United States. Their legacy lives on in contemporary women’s movements in support of such causes as economic equality and reproductive freedom.
Archive
[2495] Anonymous, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Seated, and Susan B. Anthony, Standing, Three-Quarter-Length Portrait (1880),
courtesy of the Library of Congress, Prints and Photographs Division [LC-USZ61-791].
Stanton and Anthony were two of the foremost activists for women’s suffrage; their struggle touched on the enfranchisement of black Americans after the Civil War, but both opposed the Fifteenth Amendment because it extended voting rights to black men only.
[2498] Currier & Ives, The Age of Brass, or the Triumphs of Women’s Rights (1869),
courtesy of the Library of Congress [LC-USZC2-1921].
This anti-suffrage cartoon depicts women suffragists voting. One woman scolds a cowed man holding a baby; another woman, in pantaloons, holds a sign reading, “Vote for the Celebrated Man Tamer.” Such cartoons played to predominantly male fears about the reversal of men’s and women’s public and private roles and were designed to reinforce the Cult of True Womanhood and notions about the dangers of suffragism.
[2503] Anonymous, The Judiciary Committee of the House of Representatives Receiving a Deputation of Female Suffragists (1871),
courtesy of the Library of Congress, Prints and Photographs Division [LC-USZ62- 2023].
This print, originally in Frank Leslie’s Illustrated Newspaper, shows Victoria Woodhull, backed by a group of woman suffragists, reading a speech to a skeptical judiciary committee. The speech, about the legality of women’s suffrage, was based on the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments to the Constitution.
[2506] Frank Leslie’s Illustrated Newspaper, Woman Suffrage in Wyoming Territory. Scene at the Polls in Cheyenne (1888),
courtesy of the Library of Congress [LC-USZ62-2235].
Woman suffrage was established in Wyoming in 1869. When Wyoming entered the union in 1890, it was the first state that allowed women the right to vote. Esther Morris is credited with convincing the territorial legislature to grant suffrage to women.
[5605] L. Prang & Co., Representative Women (1870),
courtesy of the Library of Congress [LC-USZ62-5535].
Seven individual portraits of leaders in the woman suffrage movement: Lucretia Mott, Grace Greenwood, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Anna E. Dickinson, Mary Ashton Rice Livermore, Lydia Maria Francis Child, and Susan B. Anthony.
Give me your tired, your poor, Your huddled masses yearning to breathe free, The wretched refuse of your teeming shore. Send these, the homeless, tempest-tossed to me, I lift my lamp beside the golden door!
Many immigrants arrived in America believing that marvelous opportunities awaited them behind the “golden door.” In the last half of the nineteenth century, the vast majority of immigrants came from Eastern and Southern Europe–Eastern European Jews made up an especially high percentage of immigrants. They left their homelands to escape persecution, oppression, famine, and poverty. These immigrants brought only the possessions they could carry with them and traveled in “steerage berths” in cramped compartments below the deck of the ship. Some immigrants who could not afford to pay for their passage were brought over as “contract labor.” Under this system, businesses that wanted to hire cheap labor could pay the passage of immigrants willing to work for low wages in America. The cost of the workers’ fares would then be deducted from their wages once they began working. Contract labor was effectively a form of indentured servitude, but the U.S. government did not make it illegal until 1885 and even then rarely prosecuted companies who engaged in this exploitative practice.
For many immigrants, America was not the Promised Land they had dreamed of. Low wages, long hours, and unhealthy and even dangerous working environments made earning an adequate living almost impossible. Overcrowded tenements and high rents made domestic arrangements difficult and caused problems within families and between neighbors. Many immigrants also had trouble assimilating to the customs and manners of America, or felt resentful about being forced to give up or modify their traditions. When Anzia Yezierska landed at Ellis Island, officials could not pronounce her name. They decided to rename her “Hattie Mayer,” which they felt sounded more Anglicized. Yezierska resented this assault on her identity, and when she began to publish, she insisted on using her original, Eastern European name.
Immigrants also endured growing animosity and hostility from native-born Americans, who perceived these “foreigners” as threatening to the cultural and economic status quo. Immigrants’ willingness to work for low wages angered native-born Americans who resented competing with them for jobs, and the infusion of new religious and cultural practices caused some native-born people to fear that the “purity” of American culture was being assaulted. “Nativism,” or the belief that native-born Americans were superior to and needed to be protected from immigrants, created deep divisions between immigrants and other Americans. Anti-Catholic and Anti-Semitic sentiments began to color public discourse.
Nativists frequently scapegoated immigrants, blaming them for the spread of crime and disease. Nativist hostility finally culminated in the passage of congressional bills restricting immigration. The Chinese, in particular, were the target of a specific law designed to forbid their entry into the United States: the Chinese Exclusion Act was adopted in 1882. As a result, the immigrant reception center on Angel Island off the coast of California was even less welcoming than Ellis Island. Many hopeful Chinese immigrants were denied entry and then held in detention centers for months. Poetry written in Chinese covers the walls of the detention centers, parsing out the aspirations, dreams, and despair of the inmates.
Given the difficulties faced by immigrants, it is perhaps not surprising that, according to some estimates, nearly a third of those who arrived in America in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries eventually returned to their homes in Europe or Asia. But millions of immigrants stayed, and their contributions to American society and culture enriched and transformed the nation.
Archive
[5004] Underwood & Underwood, Immigrants Just Arrived from Foreign Countries– Immigrant Building, Ellis Island. New York Harbor (c. 1904),
courtesy of the Library of Congress [LC-USZ62- 15539].
People from Eastern and Southern Europe poured into the United States around the turn of the twentieth century. This reception center off New York City processed arriving immigrants and attempted to keep out people with infectious diseases or political ideologies perceived as threatening.
[5005] Anonymous, Immigrant Family Looking at Statue of Liberty from Ellis Island (c. 1930),
courtesy of the Library of Congress [LC-USZ62-50904].
[5006] Anonymous, Italian Immigrant Family at Ellis Island (c. 1910),
courtesy of the Library of Congress [LC-USZ62- 67910].
Between 1880 and 1930, more people immigrated to America from Italy than from any other country. Many of these immigrants settled on New York’s Lower East Side. Their lives were the basis for much of the literature of the social realists.
[5092] Lewis Hine, Young Russian Jewess at Ellis Island (1905),
courtesy of George Eastman House.
Millions of immigrants passed through Ellis Island at the turn of the twentieth century. Just off the coast of New York City, immigrants were greeted by the Statue of Liberty, but were also introduced to harsh and often callous immigration policies, which reflected the ambivalence with which the United States welcomed its newest residents.
[8183] Anonymous, The Voyage, No. 8 (c. 1920), reprinted in Island: Poetry and History of Chinese Immigrants on Angel Island, 1910-1940,
courtesy of the University of Washington Press.
“How has anyone to know that my dwelling place would be a prison?” asks this poem, one of many written on the walls of the Angel Island detention center by Chinese immigrants held there by U.S. authorities. Other examples of these poems can be found in the archive, [8184] through [8191].
[9092] Emma Lazarus, The New Colossus (1883),
courtesy of the U.S. Department of State Web site.
Lazarus’s famous poem, which reads in part, “Give me your tired, your poor, Your huddled masses yearning to breathe free,” appears on the base of the Statue of Liberty in New York Harbor, an impressive sight that greeted immigrants as they began the difficult and sometimes degrading task of passing through the Ellis Island immigration facility.
Most individuals living on the Lower East Side at the turn of the century lived in tenement apartments or slept in cheap lodging houses. Typical tenement flats consisted of two or three very small rooms into which a family of between four and eight would live with a boarder or two. Workspaces were no less congested–the “sweat-shops” were crowded with underpaid laborers who worked between thirteen and eighteen hours a day, six and sometimes seven days a week. In these conditions, crime, disease, fires, and accidents were common occurrences. The appalling poverty of the Lower East Side became a popular topic for reformers and sensation-seeking journalists alike. Many books and articles offered titillating glimpses into this “vicious underworld” and hysterically warned that the Lower East Side was breeding a “criminal element” that would soon menace the rest of the city. Others proposed social and economic reforms to address the inequities that compelled immigrants to live and work in such squalid conditions. Most notably, Jacob A. Riis’s newspaper articles, graphic photographs, and illustrated book-length exposé, How the Other Half Lives: Studies Among the Tenements of New York (1890), shocked Americans and led to some civic reforms designed to protect poor tenement-dwellers.
As crowded, exploitative, and oppressive as the Lower East Side may have been, however, it was not simply the pit of unmitigated misery and evil that many nineteenth-century journalists portrayed. Rather, in spite of the rampant poverty and harsh working conditions, the neighborhood was a dynamic community infused with a vibrant and diverse cultural life. Ethnic restaurants and saloons offered an enticing variety of food and drink; halls hosted dances, weddings, union meetings, and scholarly lectures; theatres and music halls mounted plays and concerts; and synagogues, churches, temples, and schools served as important social centers. The inhabitants of the Lower East Side formed a thriving community in their crowded section of Manhattan, melding their old traditions with new ones to form a diverse culture that had a lasting impact on New York and on America.
Archive
[5023] Detroit Publishing Company, Mulberry Street, New York City (c. 1900),
courtesy of the Library of Congress, Prints and Photographs Division [LC-USZC4-1584].
New York City received huge numbers of immigrants at the turn of the twentieth century. In the bustling streets of the Lower East Side, Old World met New in a population that ranged from Eastern European and Russian Jews to Irish Catholics.
[5124] T. De Thulstrup, Home of the Poor (1883),
courtesy of the Library of Congress [LC-USZ62-75197].
This illustration shows an interior view of a crowded New York City tenement. The living conditions of the city’s poor at the turn of the twentieth century eventually sparked a wave of social reform.
[5125] Frank Leslie’s Illustrated Newspaper, New York City–The Recent “Heated Term” and Its Effect upon the Population of the Tenement District (1882),
courtesy of the Library of Congress [LC-USZ62-75193].
The tenements that were home to many of New York City’s immigrants were often dismal and usually lacked proper sanitary facilities. These harsh conditions challenged immigrants and contributed to a perception that immigrants were somehow “damaging” the country.
[5126] Lewis Wickes Hines, Rear View of Tenement, 134 1/2 Thompson ST., New York City (1912),
courtesy of the Library of Congress, Prints and Photographs Photograph of the back of a tenement housing-complex in New York City.
Like writer Theodore Dreiser, photographer Lewis Wickes Hines documented social conditions in America at the beginning of the twentieth century.
[6352] Anonymous, Hester Street, NY (c.1903),
courtesy of the National Archives and Records Administration.
Hester Street is one of many places on the Lower East Side of Manhattan that Anzia Yezierska described in her writing.
Faced with this overwhelming, systematized oppression, African American leaders like Booker T. Washington and W. E. B. Du Bois concluded that education was their best strategy for achieving social advancement and civil rights. While they agreed on the need for education, however, they held extremely different ideas about what kind of curriculum would best suit their goal of asserting African American equality. Washington held that blacks should be trained only in practical, vocational skills such as farming, carpentry, mechanical trades, sewing, and cooking. The Tuskegee Institute, where Washington served as the director, dedicated itself to providing black students with these kinds of practical skills. Du Bois, on the other hand, insisted that broader educational opportunities should be available to at least some African Americans. His ideas centered on his theory of a Talented Tenth, an elite group of gifted and polished individuals who could benefit from a rigorous classical education and then lead their entire race forward.
In his 1903 essay “The Talented Tenth,” Du Bois claimed that “The Negro race, like all races, is going to be saved by its exceptional men. The problem of education, then, among Negroes must first of all deal with the Talented Tenth; it is the problem of developing the Best of this race that they may guide the Mass away from the contamination and death of the Worst, in their own and other races.” According to Du Bois, a small, uniquely endowed elite could alone make artistic and scholarly contributions to world development on behalf of the entire race. He perceived the relationship between this talented elite and the rest of the group as a symbiotic one: the larger group would support the talented elite, who would in turn raise the level of the entire group. The Talented Tenth would combat the degrading tendencies of what Du Bois called “The Submerged Tenth,” a group he characterized as “criminals, prostitutes, and loafers.” In Du Bois’s scheme, the Talented Tenth would work not simply within the group but would also direct their efforts against the forces of racism.
While Du Bois intended his plan to benefit all African Americans, the theory of the Talented Tenth has obvious problematic implications. The elevation of an elite segment of African American society with special access to opportunities and resources would create sharp distinctions and classes within the community as a whole, and the belief that only a small group has the potential to make important contributions is profoundly anti-democratic. But despite the exclusivity of the notion of the Talented Tenth, Du Bois’s ideas advocated broad educational opportunities for at least some African Americans and inspired many with hope.
Archive
[3079] Richmond Barth, Bust of Booker T. Washington (c. 1920),
courtesy of NARA [NWDNS-H-HN-BAR-38].
Washington was the most prominent African American at the turn of the twentieth century; he worked for most of his life to expand and support Tuskegee College in Alabama; his best-known literary work is Up from Slavery.
[3355] Jack Delano, At the Bus Station in Durham, North Carolina (1940),
courtesy of the Library of Congress, Prints & Photographs Division, FSA/OWI Collection [LC-USF33-020522-M2].
African American man in a segregated waiting room at a bus station. Jim Crow laws severely divided the experiences of whites and African Americans in the South.
[4801] Arthur Rothstein, Sharecropper’s Children (1937),
courtesy of the Library of Congress [LC-USF34-025464-D].
Photograph of three African American children on a porch. Landowners rarely kept sharecroppers’ homes in good condition. Du Bois hoped that an educated “Talented Tenth” of African Americans would help lift such children out of poverty.
[7102] J. E. Purdy, W. E. B. Du Bois (1904),
courtesy of the Library of Congress [LC-USZ62-28485].
Taken a year after the publication of The Souls of Black Folk, this portrait shows Du Bois as a refined and serious intellectual. In his lifetime Du Bois led the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People and championed the cause of African American advancement through education.